Ivan Garcia, 15 April 2015 — There were two Summits of the Americas. The one that will be remembered by history is the one of Raul Castro, wide-eyed in the presence of Barack Obama, like a boy waiting to ask for an autograph from a movie star leaving a hotel.
When the tale is told of the VII Summit (which took place in Panama on April 10 and 11, 2015), historians will recall General Castro’s 48-minute speech and his flattering remarks about the U.S. president. And Obama’s comments.
Cuba in 2015 will be remembered for what it is: a country of autocrats where human rights are limited to the right to life, work, universal health coverage and education.
The remaining rights are, according to the regime, fairy tales of bourgeois democracy. Presidential elections? For what? There is no need for multiple parties when one will do. Public demonstrations in the streets and at universities are only for those who support the Castros.
Raul Castro is like a contortionist. He has put away the daggers of Fidel Castro’s strongman, absolutist government and has begun to open the door slowly. But his feet remain planted on the other side of the threshold.
Capital investments and loans are only for foreigners. In terms of foreign policy, it appears to be a normal country. The era of providing material support for Latin America’s guerrillas is over, as are attempts to create one, two or a hundred Vietnams.
These are now part of the military’s book of memories. For the slogan-loving, anarchist members of the Jurassic left, there are still the speeches of Fidel Castro and the berets of Che Guevara.
The strategy in the backrooms of power is to negotiate with the enemy, trading military uniforms for guayaberas and postponing the construction of a communist utopia in order to build state capitalism with former generals and colonels in charge.
It’s a makeover. A modern dictatorship. It is still intolerant of those with differing opinions, but now no blood is shed. Only a few fractured skulls, punches and brief detentions for dissenters.
The yin and the yang. Obama is banking on a change of course. Nothing will be lost if the objectives are not met. The problem is Cuba. The White House, ever pragmatic, thinks it is better to negotiate with Raul.
This is nothing new. They have dealt with vile figures such as Somoza, Pinochet and Duvalier. One more dictator in the bag is no big deal. Democracy can wait.
It would be even better if a flood of dollars and gum-chewing gringos in Havana managed to undermine the island’s totalitarian regime. Obama’s change of strategy could be the key to keeping 21st century socialists in line.
Some of this was evident at the summit in Panama. Maduro, Correa, Morales and Ortega were relegated to the background. Cuba, the ideological parent, tamped down the old Hugo Chavez rhetoric.
It is yet to be seen if Obama’s new policy will achieve its objectives or will fail, but it is undeniably a different direction. Meanwhile, Raul Castro has his own plans.
When he looks at himself in the mirror, he sees the saviour of the Revolution he inherited from his brother. He foresees a lavish military parade in 2059, staged by his relatives and countrymen to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the Castro dynasty.
The master plan involves business deals, social control and a modern foreign policy. At this point the island’s ideologues are more inclined to look towards the late founder of independent Singapore rather than to Deng Xiao Ping.
They will retain their old methods, of course, like confiscating the passports of their most steadfast opponents or dispatching a squadron of karate experts disguised as members of “civil society” to spar with them.
Cuba blatantly exports its acts of repudiation. With the snap of a finger, they summon fanatical anarchists, convinced that imperialists and their lackeys are heavily involved.
On a mission ordered by their boss, special agents crash parallel forums at the summit in which Cuban dissidents take part. This is one side of the Castros.
The other side is the one that flatters Obama. It provides caviar for technology gurus, hoping they will invest in Cuba, and tries to convince U.S. lobbyists that the island is an attractive market for food exports.
Something of a circus-like atmosphere surrounded the summit. It got a lot of media attention but produced very few results. With the economies of Latin American countries entering recession, the roaring economy of the United States attracted the interest of the region’s heads of state.
The Cuba of the Castros is one of nostalgia and an outlet for the anti-American sentiment. A country of pure symbolism, it has many doctors and ideologues but their contributions do not impact the GDP.
Obama knows this. This is why he is gambling on a strategy to tame the lion tamer.
Ivan Garcia, 6 April 2015 — Without being an expert in economic matters or the Wall Street currency market, Erasmo likes to trust his instincts. For fourteen years he has been engaged in buying and selling dollars and euros.
Also convertible pesos. In the doorway of his house, within walking distance of a state-run currency exchange (CADECA), he offers his services in a lowered voice to the people standing in line to buy or sell CUCs.
“Privately buying or selling currency is illegal in Cuba. The police have already sent me a warning letter and I have paid two fines of 1,200 Cuban pesos (about 50 dollars) for transacting currency exchanges.”
His modus operandi is simple. Like the state, he buys the CUC for 24 pesos and resells it for 25. But for international currencies, such as the dollar or the euro, he pays a better price than the state banks.
“I’m starting to see Cuban residents of the U.S. who are visiting the island, wanting to exchange five or six thousand dollars. The state pays 0.87 CUC for every dollar. I offer 0.94 CUC for bills up to twenty dollars. On large bills of 50 and 100 dollars I pay 0.95. And I have clients who I will buy from at one-for-one,” said Erasmo.
The olive-green regime has mounted exchange operations remote from the framework of world prices. Cuba, despite its third-world economy and infrastructure, by official decree pegs its currency to the U.S. dollar by its own free will.
When Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, the Cuban peso was valued on par with the dollar. But economic planning and nationalization of businesses dramatically reduced the production of goods and wealth.
The State used artificial exchange rates and prohibited the possession of hard currency. Cuban law carried punishments of up to five years’ imprisonment for persons possessing foreign currency or engaging in currency exchange.
In street slang, “jinetear” [jockeying]—a word that used to be used for prostitution—was applied to people prowling hotels and resorts to buy dollars, paying a better price than that offered at the official exchange.
“During the mid-80s, I went every day to La Rampa, in Vedado, to “jockey” greenbacks. The government bought dollars one-for-one. We jineteros paid four or five pesos. We invested the profits in buying clothes and food from foreign students or residents who bought them at stores selling for U.S. dollars, to which we Cubans were prohibited access,” says Juan Carlos, who has been conducting clandestine foreign exchange for more than thirty years.
In 1993, with the legalization of the U.S. dollar, hyperinflation soared in the country. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of the USSR, Cuba plunged into an era of poverty.
Oxen replaced tractors, and one hot meal a day was a family event. Food prices soared and the dollar reached a value of 150 Cuban pesos.
By the late 90s, the storm subsided and the US dollar stabilized at 24 pesos. Throughout the island hundreds of CADECAS opened, allowing people to buy or sell dollars.
In 2005, following a banking scandal in the Swiss bank UBS, which was fined one hundred million dollars by OFAC, in order to replace old dollars in a five-billion-dollar account in the name of the Cuban regime, Fidel Castro decreed a tax of 20% on the currency of the United States, his archenemy.
Illegal moneychangers like Erasmo began to sell the dollar at a better price. “The thousands of Cuban doctors and professionals working in Ecuador, Venezuela, and South Africa bought them one by one. They invested those dollars to buy duty-free goods, mobile phones, or plasma televisions which they then resold at three times their purchase price.”
In 2011, General Raúl Castro fixed the exchange rate for the dollar at 87 cents. “On the black market we’re always two or three steps ahead when it comes to the monetary policies of the government. It’s simple: we’re on the street and are guided by supply and demand. The state only knows how to govern with monopolies and decrees, not with the market,” Erasmo says.
That diluted exchange rate hurt more than 700,000 Cubans living in the U.S. who visited their homeland in 2014. “They’ve built a casino. Between one thing and another, I spent nearly seven thousand dollars. Their assessment siphoned off $910. They’re bandits,” says Santiago, a Havanan who lives in New York.
Augusto, an economist, suggests to people that they save whatever foreign exchange they get in dollars. “It is advisable, especially right now with the fall of the euro and the resurgence of the dollar. According to my calculations, when the currency in Cuba is unified, the dollar will shoot up. It won’t reach 120 pesos as in the 90s, but it will trade at three times what the banks pay, because inflation can become dangerous in the future, for the lack of takeoff in production of goods and food. If the government wants to increase tourism from the U.S. it should eliminate the arbitrary 13% tax.”
Since the summer of 2013, the military autocracy has declared its intention to unify the currency. Periodic rumors cause Cubans-without-milk-for-coffee to cover their backs for a possible devaluation of the convertible peso, changing their savings into dollars.
The Castro regime has ensured that, for the moment, the savings of citizens will not be affected. But the instinct of guys like Erasmo says that the money saved under the mattress is best held in dollars. Just in case.
Ivan Garcia, 14 April 2015 — While a marathon of presidential speeches takes place at Panama City’s Atlapa convention center, back in Cuba the real civil society — the one about which many talk but to which few listen — is biting its nails in front of the television, watching the Cuban baseball playoffs between the Tigers from Ciego de Avila and the Pirates from Isla de la Juventud.
Yordan, a steel worker from the outskirts of Havana, was one of them. It was while sitting down to play dominoes and drink rum with neighborhood friends one night that he learned about the meeting between Obama and Castro.
Suddenly in the role of armchair analysts, they speculated a bit about what a future partnership with the U.S. might hold.
“Listen, in spite of fifty-five years of being bombarded by negative press about the Yankees, most Cubans who decide to emigrate choose to go to the Yuma*. In Cuba everyone goes wild for American brands. Those old, worn-out theories and that stuff about annexation have nothing to do with what you see. Relatives and friends come back fatter and better dressed. They take you out for a beer, they show you photos of their cars and later they send you a tablet or smart phone. That is more powerful than any propaganda,” says Yordan, ebullient after downing half a liter of cheap rum.
Havana residents interviewed for this article all had an opinion on this topic. Sergio, a retired soldier, wonders if the decades-long rhetoric against the United States was worth it.
“I fought in the Angola civil war. Like others, I did it in the name of international proletarianism. At the time I thought Yankee imperialism would be ancient history by decade’s end. It’s been twenty-six years since I came back from Angola and the reality is quite different. If we don’t negotiate with the old enemy, the Cuban revolution won’t be sustainable. I feel sorry for the more than two thousand soldiers who lost their lives in someone else’s war,” says the former soldier.
Among the wide range of opinions held by average Cubans, there are enthusiastic optimists like Raudel, a young university student. “Now we will really build socialism. It will be by the shortest route, which is through capitalism. When we have three million tourists, fast food restaurants and broadband internet, come back and ask if people still believe in Fidel Castro and his boring anti-imperialist rallies,” he says in a jocular tone, sitting in a park and listening to Joaquin Sabina on a MP3 player.
It is not easy to find “Talibans” (extremists) who believe “negotiating with the enemy is a strategic mistake.” The vast majority of Cubans enthusiastically approve of the new agreement.
But there are also people such as Moises, a hard-core follower of Fidel Castro, who have their doubts. “I worry that Raul suffers from naiveté. Obama can be very charming and a large segment of the population is seduced by the American lifestyle. If we spread our legs too wide, Havana could end up being a suburb of Miami.”
Since the Obama-Castro policy change was announced on December 17, there has been a good vibe in Cuba. “Besides being our neighbor, the United States has always been a reference point for music, movies, sports and lifestyle,” notes Manuel, a historian.
“Twenty percent of the population lives in Florida. Miami is the country’s second city. Only Havana has a larger Cuban population. Russian cuisine and Venezuelan arepa never caught on here. But if you opened a McDonald’s or a Cafe Versailles, the line to get in would go on for miles. Our national heroes were dazzled by the American revolution. Despite our grievances and the Platt Amendment, Cubans admire the United States, which is not the case with some other Latin American countries.”
There are no television ratings in Cuba for the Summit of the Americas, but the only coverage for which people did not change the channel were the speeches by Obama and Raul Castro.
The Summit of the People and the tiresome rhetoric of Nicolas Maduro attracted little attention. The official narrative — accusing dissidents of being mercenaries and terrorists — was a distant echo.
“At the rate things are going, don’t be surprised if within five years the government feels like talking to the human rights people (as dissidents are referred to in Cuba). If we can talk to the Yankees, why not talk to them?” asks Eugenio, a self-employed taxi driver.
In spite of sudden shifts in optimism and suspicion after the December 17 announcement, it is clear that Obama is more popular in Cuba than in the United States. And his popularity far exceeds that of Raul Castro according to a recent survey.
This comes as no surprise. Since an African-American won the U.S. presidential elections in 2008, Afro-Cubans have felt some empathy for Obama. Even the Castros have thrown themselves at his feet.
Initially, Fidel tried to seduce him but, after being rebuffed by Obama, he once again took up the sword. And shedding a few tears was the only thing Raul failed to do in a speech at the summit in which he expressed his admiration for the current resident of the White House.
“I would not complain if the Americans wanted to trade Obama for Raul Castro. Or we could give them Fidel and Miguel Diaz-Canal. We’ll consider any offers,” says a young man who is listening to a rock performance at the park on G Street in Vedado.
If anyone’s popularity in Cuba has been bolstered, especially after the Summit of the Americas, it is Barack Obama.
*Translator’s note: Cuban slang for the U.S.
Ivan Garcia, 9 April 2015 — After the Sunday hangover drinking beer with various friends, Jose Pablo reluctantly tends to his stall where he sells pirated CDs with Hollywood films and Mexican and Colombian narco-novelas. At his stand you can find 2015 Oscar winners and in a worn black backpack, a collection of national and foreign pornography.
Jose Pablo is a talkative type. But when you ask him what benefits the upcoming Summit of the Americas, to be held in Panama April 10-11, would bring, with a sneer he responds, “Nothing. All these summits, be they Latin American, or CELAC, are more of the same. Speeches full of promises that in the end resolve nothing. It’s all rhetoric. It is an unnecessary waste of money.
While the official press is increasing the news coverage of the Summit, where the island will be seated in a meeting where supposedly nations must have full democratic requisites to participate, among ordinary Havanans, exhausted by the daily grind to put food on the table, these events are no more than strange far-off echoes.
For Daniel, repairing an old Dodge from the ’40s in his slightly grubby overalls, the bottom line is to keep the car on the road so it will continue to generate money to support his family.
“Politics in Cuba suck, The government goes one way and the people go the other. We Cubans no longer have any faith in our leaders. But we don’t have the mechanisms to change things. Then people do the best they can. With a quart of rum or a trip to the beach. I don’t plan to watch the Summit on TV. I don’t have time to watch those crappy speeches,” he says smiling.
Even bullet-proof optimists like Raisa, an engineer who hoped after December 17 that Cuba would finally change and become a normal country, four months later and with no roadmap from General Raul Castro has returned to her routine.
Reading newspapers that disinform rather than inform and, in order to complement her salary, she sells fruit juices at her work. “Only the retired or people interested in politics watch these televised rants. Cuban politicians float in another dimension. They don’t have to wrack their brains thinking about what they’re going to cook and how to make the money last to the end of the month. They are a Cuban and Venezuelan caste of self-proclaimed socialists,” she says in a biting tone.
If you wander down Avenida Santa Catalina, twenty minutes from the center of Havana, where the start of spring has brought out the brilliant red and orange flowers of the flamboyant trees flanking the road, and chat with the small business owners in the doorways of their homes or the retirees who sit in the park killing time, the upcoming Summit is not a priority.
The presidential talks, the historic photo of Obama and Castro II shaking hands, or the verbal boxing ring that star in the social forum preceding the Summit, only interest political actors and their hangers-on, in the official and dissident sector
Although their coffers are in the red, the State will pay the expenses of more than a hundred activists camouflaged as “civil society” — a buzzword. With their slick narrative, they will try to dismantle the plans of the opponents present in Panama.
The dissidents who will be traveling have prepared parallel summits throughout the Island. Despite the triumphalist headlines of the regime’s media, that the 7th Summit will offer a stage to accuse the United States of past, present and future tragedies, it would take a lot to convince people like Jose Pablo that forums like the one in Panama can mark a before and after in the nation’s life.
“With Raul Diaz-Canel, Elizardo Sanchez or any of the others who will someday become president, the poor will remain poor. Cuba isn’t going to change. No matter who governs. The option is to get out of here. The farther the better,” says Jose Pablo.
The daily drams, after decades of lines, rationing and shortages, and the powerlessness of the powerless to change things, has led a majority of Cuban society into apathy.
The escape valve is a raft, a visa, or spending a few hours watching South Korean soap operas. The present is worrisome. The future is scary.
Ivan Garcia, 28 March 2015 – It feels like a lot of time has gone by since noon on December 17 when Rogelio Horta’s family sat dumbfounded in front of the television listening to Raul Castro announce that Cuba and the United States would reestablish diplomatic relations.
Everything seemed perfect. There would be improved telecommunications and internet. Self-employed workers and cooperatives would have access to credit. If differences between the two countries were patched up, the economic situation would improve. But as time passed, people’s expectations changed,” admits Rogelio, the owner of a cafe southwest of Havana.
Three months after the newsflash, the feeling among average Cubans is that the new developments will not significantly change their lives.
The government of Raul Castro has not formulated a policy that would allow the private or cooperative economic sectors to sign business or financial deals with U.S. institutions.
“It’s all just propaganda. Americans tour cooperative farms and sugar plantations, celebrities film TV shows in Havana and take selfies with Fidel Castro’s children. But there are no actual results. Direct telephone calls are the same as before,” notes Armando, a scriptwriter for radio soap operas.
People have been edging from optimism to anger. Such is the mood of Josuan, an independent taxi driver who was excited by Obama’s words. Perhaps a bit too much.
On Christmas Eve, three months ago, Josuan envisioned a dream-like future: “I thought the Cuban economy would open up and self-employed workers would have more opportunities. The topic of conversation was how we could take advantage of the new situation. But the government has brought us down from the clouds. Now with the soap opera that is Venezuela, the press doesn’t even mention the third round of (US-Cuban) talks being held in Havana,” he says.
The official media barely even noticed Roberta Jacobson’s second visit to Cuba. Nor were a swarm of foreign journalists seen in the streets of Havana and nothing has emerged on the meetings between Jacobsen and her counterpart, Josefina Vidal.
The media hoopla has morphed into a mysterious silence, which is probably the perfect setting to achieve agreements that will satisfy both parties.
For better informed Cubans such as Ortelio, a former government official, the concern is that any shift in U.S. foreign policy could derail the process.
“Negotiating with the Castros is very complex,” says Ortelio. “They’re like spoiled children. Any action by American policy makers that displeases them could endanger the negotiations. The official line is that Obama’s sanctions on seven Venezuelan officials will not interfere with the process. I hope that’s the case and that our government shows intelligence and responsibility. For twenty-five years Cuba has experienced an ongoing economic crisis with no end in sight. If we don’t develop our economy and improve our standard of living, the exodus from the island will continue. There is a limit to how much people will tolerate.”
Danilo, an architect, believes it is all stage managed. “The speeches by Cuban officials are meant to please the Latin American and European left,” he believes. “Raul Castro will not miss this chance with the U.S. to pass by, but he needs Venezuelan oil. If Venezuela were to steal the show at the next Summit of the Americas, it would be a good smokescreen to continue negotiating behind the scenes. Maduro has an expiration date. He’ll lose power before too long. He is a useful idiot.”
While strategies are drawn up in the corridors of power in Havana and Washington, the initial enthusiasm among Cubans over the surprising diplomatic shift has been eclipsed.
Since December 17 owners of private lodgings and restaurants, taxi drivers, the poor, prostitutes and hustlers have benefitted from the presence of affluent Americans with fat wallets, especially in the oldest part of the city, which is the section most visited by tourists.
Havana residents hope that within two years broadband internet and U.S. dollars will extend across every neighborhood in the capital. Maduro is not welcome here. Long speeches and a litany of grievances are all he has to offer. People have been listening to this narrative more many years now. And they are tired of it.
Photo: In spite American tourists, U.S. flags and movie stars turning up in Havana, Cubans’ enthusiasm for the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with the United States has been waning. Prensa de Nicaragua.
Ivan Garcia, 28 February 2015 — Fourteen-year-old Yanisbel has one hot meal a day and the roof of her house leaks but her mother and grandparents have been saving for a decade to stage a traditional quinceañera, a celebration of her fifteenth birthday.
“All the women in my family celebrated their fifteenth birthdays,” says her mother. “My daughter should too. Maybe we won’t be able to throw a blow-out party. We don’t have relatives in government or in Miami but at least we’ll have photos taken, buy her three new outfits and throw a little party for her school friends.”
Yanisbel’s grandparents sell prepared lunches and milk caramels. They keep some of their earnings in a ceramic jar. “Fifteenth birthday parties get more expensive every day. An album of one photo session and a video is going to cost us 200 CUC. Then there are the costs for the dress, the buffet and beverages for the party. More than 600 chavitos (convertible pesos) in total,” her grandfather explains. “That’s the equivalent of five-years’ worth of pension for a retired person.”
South of the capital in the town of Casino Deportivo, Jennifer’s family will celebrate her birthday in high style. Accompanied by her parents, Jennifer visits the studio of a well-known photographer. Seated on a high bench, surrounded by strong lighting, a mirror and a white hat, she poses as if she were a model.
After a light dinner and a bath, she waits with her parents and boyfriend for a video to be shot. On the eve of the party she goes shopping with her mother and two girlfriends at a boutique in Miramar.
The climax is a four-night stay at a five-star Cayo Coco hotel in Ciego de Avila six hours by car from Havana. “The hotel and clothing expenses are being paid for by relatives who live in Miami. They’re flying to Cuba on the day of the party,” says Jennifer’s father, a mid-level bureaucrat at a state enterprise.
When asked about the costs, the father waves his hand and smiles. “What can I say? It’s a family secret. We have been putting away money since she was born. I stopped counting after about two-thousand convertible pesos.”
While Jennifer looks forward to the celebration, Octavio — an assistant bricklayer whose daughter’s fifteenth birthday is twenty days away — does not have a bank account or a wad of cash stashed under the mattress. “I will think of something. I plan on buying some new clothes and taking some pictures. Maybe I’ll pawn the TV or the fridge. I don’t know,” says Octavio as he waits in line at a bakery.
A photo session with the subject dressed like an actress and a DVD with photomontages ranges from 120 to 350 CUC. Poor girls like Ileana cannot celebrate their fifteenth birthdays by going out on the town with their friends. “But I do have a photo album and my parents gave me a pair of high-heeled shoes,” she notes.
Yamila, a sociologist, believes fifteenth birthday parties like this are a long-standing tradition in Cuba. “I cannot pinpoint exactly when this Latin American custom melded with the European tradition of ballroom dances,” she says. “In Spain, when a boy reached adolescence, they would put a goat in a sack and throw it off the top of a bell tower. I don’t know if they still do that but every July 7 on the Feast of San Fermin people in Pamplona run through the streets with bulls.”
She explains that in the United States the president even spares the life of turkey on Thanksgiving. “Every country has its customs and traditions. Purists in Cuba look upon fifteenth birthday parties as being tacky, extravagant wastes of money. But in the popular imagination they remain cherished events,” the sociologist points out.
A profitable private-sector industry has grown up on the island around these celebrations. Pablo, a professional photographer, alternates his time between working for a foreign press agency and shooting fifteenth birthday parties. “If you are a high-caliber photographer, you can make good money. Thanks to weddings and quinceañeras, I have been able to buy a 1956 Cadillac in good condition and spend a few days in Varadero every year. I find these parties cheesy but, as long as they pay well, long live the fifteenths.
Cuba’s fifteenth birthday celebrations have crossed the Florida Straits and have taken root among the hundreds of thousands of compatriots living there. Although many families have little to eat and live in poverty, the arrival of girl’s fifteenth birthday is an important event. Some people like Jennifer’s parents can afford to break the bank.
Ivan Garcia, 8 March 2015 — When I decided to write a blog, at the end of December 2008, my pretensions were minimal.
I had decided to take a break in order to dedicate my time to my daughter, Melany, who was then two years old. Although I wasn’t writing, mentally I continued to be focused on journalism. Those were difficult times. Repression from the hard liners of State Security was at its highest point.
In March 2003, a choleric Fidel Castro had ordered the imprisonment of 75 peaceful dissidents. Among them, 27 free journalists. Independent journalism was going through its worst phase.
The best writers — Raúl Rivero, Ricardo González and Jorge Olivera — were sleeping in uncomfortable and dirty cells. Others had gone into exile, like my mother, Tania Quintero. The rest of us journalists who were writing without State authorization and who decided to remain in Cuba were afraid.
A fear that didn’t prevent me from continuing to report for Cubaencuentro, Cubanet and the Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa (Inter-American Press Society), among other online sites. In the middle of 2007, Juan Gonzalez Febles and Luis Cino decided to start a weekly. They formed Primavera Digital (Digital Spring) in a house in the Havana neighborhood of Lawton.
My intention was to join Primavera. But upon rereading an article that appeared in 2014 in Newsweek in Spanish, about the reach of blogs, I decided to change my plans. I liked the idea of writing and publishing, without a censor or an editor, those daily stories that many times are not news in the main media and that go into the recycling bin.
My technical deficiencies (I didn’t have a computer, digital camera or cell phone) delayed the project. At the beginning of 2007, a foreign journalist gave me an old Dell laptop. It’s been one of the best gifts I’ve received in my life.
Since 1996, when I began to write regularly for Cuba Press, until 2003, I wrote in a lined notebook. Later, Tania, also an independent journalist, would transcribe my work on a Olivetti Lettera 25 typewriter.
Some months after Tania went into exile in Switzerland, the Olivetti broke. A mechanic told me: “Throw it in the trash and buy another one.” The laptop revived my dream of creating a personal blog. However, problems followed.
One hour of Internet cost between 5 and 10 CUCs per hour in a hotel. In the U.S. Interests Section they offered free turns, but the paperwork was expanded and the telephones were always occupied.
I decided to open the blog with a part of the money that my mother sent me. In January 2009, I contacted Laritza Diversent, lawyer and independent journalist, and I proposed that she write about judicial matters. Luis Cino authorized me to publish her texts on Cubanet.
On January 28, 2009, on the portal Voces Cubanas (Cuban Voices), appeared the first post of the blog Desde La Habana (From Havana). It was entitled, “My Young Country” (see note at the end). The first administrator was Ernesto Hernandez Busto, an exiled Cuban who lived in Barcelona.
Beginning in January 2010, Carlos Moreira, a Portuguese friend, impresario and webmaster, altruist and in solidarity like few are, would be in charge of its administration and design. Until today.
The blog From Havana is a space dedicated to the marginal neighborhoods and to sports commentary, among other subjects. Also, it’s the site where I or other colleagues pour out our assessments about that Island that the government wants to ignore.
In a short time we had a million visitors. Not even in my wildest dreams did I think that some day the blog From Havana would reach that figure. There are so many blogs and web sites about Cuba that I sometimes think the subject of democracy and lack of freedom on the Island can become banal.
I try to tell stories in a pleasant way. It’s difficult to get figures and information. Doing investigative journalism in Cuba is foolish. I post by writing about what surrounds me, people of the barrio with whom I speak daily. Journalism and the blog have brought me many friends. And some enemies.
Believe me, I hope some day we can get to know one another in Havana. And if some post hurts your feelings or doesn’t agree with your point of view, understand that it’s nothing personal.
The blog has allowed me to grow as a journalist, even without the advice of my mother and my teacher, Raul Rivero, whose stories and articles are masterful. Now I learn from a distance.
No one graduates from journalism. While there are people like Moises Naim, Vargas Llosa or Gay Talese, to make art of this profession, we must still climb a few steps.
To you, readers and friends, my greetings and respects for using part of your time to read these stories from a guy who lives in La Vibora and signs From Havana.
Photo: View of La Vibora, with the church of Los Pasionistas, one of the most beautiful in Havana and which I see every day from my house. It remains very close. From ojitoaqua, Panoramio.
Translated by Regina Anavy